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Donald Trump's System of Retribution and Reward

Donald Trump's voracious urge for payback has quickly evolved into a organized apparatus. Over the past year, the president's rage and caprices have taken on the guise of administrative measures in a manner comparable to earlier dictatorial regimes. Justice department figures who do not cooperate are immediately fired and replaced by supporters. Opposing officials who challenge him encounter indictment, trial and punishment. Adversaries have been categorized under executive orders as “unpatriotic”, “anti-Christian” and “opposing economic freedom”, and warned with prosecution as “extremists”.

The Justice System Remade

Every situation involving legal action of political opponents and leniency for loyalists demonstrates its own unique qualities. Yet, notwithstanding their particular form, they embody expressions of what has developed as a systematic technique. Those events are anything but coincidental. His removal of DoJ lawyers and law enforcement agents, alongside his installation of supporters in senior posts, started swiftly, promptly took on a pattern, and has now been molded into a system. DoJ and the FBI have been transformed into partisan agencies under the president's direct orders to execute his directives. Wrongdoing has been rendered standard. It constitutes the system of punishment.

Leadership is preoccupied with targeting the President's alleged enemies than they are with defending our national security.

Inside the Apparatus

The foundation of this system has been exposed in the court filing of multiple former top Federal Bureau executives lodged in September in the judicial system in Washington against FBI director Kash Patel and justice department head another official for unlawful firing in “a effort of payback against Plaintiffs for what Defendants deemed to be a failure to exhibit sufficient political loyalty”. According to the filing that Brian Driscoll, the ex- acting FBI director, details a conversation in which Patel “freely admitted the unlawfulness of his conduct”.

Driscoll had attempted to shield agency personnel from being fired, the filing states. He advised him that “administration officials” – perceived by him to be the White House and justice department – had ordered him to dismiss everyone who they identified as having participated in a legal probe against Trump. The filing adds: “The director clarified that he had to dismiss the individuals his superiors told him to remove, because his ability to hold his own job depended on the removal of the agents who handled cases involving the President. He noted that there was no option he or him could do to halt these or any other firings, because ‘the bureau sought to incarcerate the chief in detention and he recalls it clearly.’” When he advised Patel he was disregarding the bureau's own internal rules, the director reportedly said “he recognized that and he knew the essence of the immediate dismissals were likely unlawful”.

Broad Consequences

After the director's claimed acknowledgment to the official, the Department of Justice and the FBI have been gutted and reorganized for his system of punishment. Several of the FBI's high-ranking agents were fired or forced out in the initial period of the government. Roughly numerous professional attorneys at DoJ have accepted a “deferred resignation program”. No fewer than multiple DoJ lawyers, among them those in the southern district of New York, quit in objection over what they regarded as partisan influence in dropping the corruption case against the city leader, the mayor, in exchange for his cooperation with the administration's federal agency roundups of migrants. The anti-corruption unit of the department, which oversees corruption cases, has been diminished to two attorneys. The civil rights division has been severely reduced: seventy percent of its staff has left. 33% of executives at DoJ have quit. The division upholding ecological regulations has lost half its supervisors.

Incentives and Penalties

In the mayor's situation, the interim prosecutor for the southern district of New York, the official, quit in objection against what she characterized as the “quid pro quo”. A key figure, the president's “border czar,” showed up as the enforcer with him on television to announce: “If he doesn't come through, I will return in NYC.”. Additionally, a former official, previously the acting deputy attorney general and a past legal representative, who brokered the agreement, was awarded an court role, a likely springboard to the highest court.

His protection for offenses perpetrated while in office, awarded by the extraordinary decision of the Republican majority on the judicial body, thus blocking his prosecution over the Capitol riot and maintaining his political viability for the presidential race, is the foundation stone on which he stands to shield his loyalists. Given this protection, he has been freed to permit wrongdoing. The impact of the judicial ruling permeates his presidency and the political party thoroughly. The court matter has escalated. In the words of a past leader's legal adviser John Dean commented about the Watergate

Written by

Claire Stephens

Award-winning journalist with over a decade of experience covering international affairs and investigative reporting.

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